First, from the workers' movement to the civilian cooperative alliance
The emergence, existence and development of any social group, political party and political organization has its social and historical background, and the New Democracy Party is no exception. The New Democratic Party of Canada can be regarded as the representative of the working class in history, so its history can be traced back to the course of the Canadian workers' movement.
The early labor movement in Canada was guided by revolutionary unionism. Revolutionary industrial unionism, also known as unionism, aims to overthrow the capitalist system with actions including general strikes. Unlike more traditional socialism, capitalism and social democracy, trade unionism seeks to establish workers' direct control over economic, political and social life through trade unions and workers' committees. The Unified Trade Union of Canada is the practitioner of this idea. They advocate a general strike as a means to destroy the capitalist system, but they do not rule out the possibility of taking political action. However, due to the complexity of Canada's unified trade union organization, revolutionary trade unionism adopted a compromise between trade unionism and socialism in form, which actually formed a blow to traditional trade unions. On the eve of World War I, revolutionary unionism has seriously threatened the existence of traditional trade unions. At the same time, the heated discussion on wartime conscription deepened the differences between the leaders of trade unions in the East and the West, and further influenced the general strike in Winnipeg in the early 20th century.
During the development of the Canadian workers' movement or the establishment of its democratic socialist movement, the Winnipeg strike, which took place from May to June in 19 19, was a key social movement. Canadian scholars have analyzed and evaluated the social class form at that time: human beings in modern society are divided into two classes, those who get something for nothing and those who get something for nothing. It is inevitable that there will be a long-term and sustained struggle between these two classes ... In the struggle of buying and selling labor, the seller of labor is called the worker and the buyer is called the employer. In such a fact, there is inevitably a struggle between the two classes. The cruelty of the struggle forced the working class to unite to seek self-defense and get education in economic and social development to seek social change. 19 19 the workers in winnipeg negotiated with their employers on wages and working conditions, demanding higher wages and better working conditions. When the labor negotiations in the construction and metal trading sectors broke down, the Winnipeg Industrial Labor Conference called for a general strike for all workers. Within a few hours, about 30 thousand workers left their jobs, and the workers in the whole city left in unison, forcing the factory to close, seriously damaging the retail industry and paralyzing traffic. Social workers, including police, fire protection, postal services, telecommunications, water conservancy and other fields, also joined the strike, and a vigorous Winnipeg workers' strike has begun. At the same time, a self-proclaimed "Citizens' Committee" appeared, which was supported by many influential big capitalists, bankers and liberal and conservative politicians in Winnipeg. They openly opposed and sabotaged the general strike. Using Winnipeg Daily as a public opinion position, the Citizens' Committee not only ignored the workers' demands for higher wages and better working conditions, but also slandered the strike as a revolutionary conspiracy inspired by foreign countries. The federal government also quickly intervened in this incident. Conservative MP, Labor Minister G Robertson and Interior Minister personally went to Winnipeg to consult with the Citizens' Committee. They refused to listen to the statement of the strike Committee and immediately turned to support the bourgeoisie who exploited workers day after day. They forced the workers to return to work, or they were in danger of being fired. At the same time, the federal government has revised the immigration bill, which further expands the meaning of the provisions on sedition crime. Those immigrants who take part in the strike will be deported. On June 17, the government arrested 12 strike leaders and participants. Among them, J.S. Woodsworth, the leader of the Canadian workers' movement, has just returned to Winnipeg as the editor-in-chief of the Western Workers' Newspaper. Four days later, the RCMP participated in a peaceful rally of striking workers in downtown Winnipeg, which was suppressed by the government. Thirty striking workers were seriously injured and one died. Government troops bloodbath Winnipeg Street, which is called "Bloody Saturday".
19 19' s Winnipeg strike ended in failure because of the split leadership and vague strategy. They challenged the authority of the government and chose employers, but the final failure proved the ineffectiveness of the trade union strategy.
Summarizing the experience and lessons of the failure of the early Canadian workers' movement, we can see that a very important factor depriving the socialist movement of victory is that the early Canadian trade union leaders would rather unite with the existing political parties than initiate political activities to raise their awareness. As a member of the trade union, J.S. Woodsworth, a key figure in Canada's socialist process, has long witnessed the process of the Progressive Party struggling, splitting and finally disappearing as a political force. As a warning, he refused the position of cabinet minister given by the liberal government. In the long-term exploration and practice, Woodworth found his own form of struggle. While other socialists were still advocating the revolution to overthrow the capitalist system, he advocated that this change in Canada could be realized through the safety protection of education, organizations and government workers, and used his bargaining power to pass Canada's first pension law.
"For Canadian trade unions and activists, the 20th century was a dark century: persistent poverty and low wages lasted for a long time, but no one paid attention to them; The working class completely opposes the so-called industrial democracy form formed by Rockefeller Company-Company Federation; The illusion of the peasant movement was shattered. In the 1930 s, the worldwide economic crisis swept through Canada, and the capitalist system was crumbling, while the natural enemies of the bourgeoisie were too busy saving this evil society to completely destroy the capitalist system. " [2] (p. 12) The progressive forces in Canada are in a dark situation. If there is any achievement in this period, it is that radical farmers and workers gradually realize that their similarities far outweigh their differences. Finally, in 1932, farmers and workers jointly advocate "cooperative alliance" as the most basic principle to regulate production, distribution and exchange activities, so as to meet people's needs rather than obtain special benefits. Prior to this, in the 1920s, Woodworth, the leader of the socialist movement, began to engage in social activities with some political activists, which we called "the Chiang Group". When the great crisis raged, they joined forces with various labor and socialist organizations to create a new socialist party. The Regina Declaration (1933) elected J·S· Woodworth as the leader of the new party, and named the new party cooperative federation. In this way, Canada has the first formal workers' and socialist organizations, and the guiding ideology of the Canadian socialist movement has gradually changed from revolutionary unionism to democratic socialism.
Two. Civilian Cooperation Alliance-New Democracy Party
The civilian cooperative alliance was born in the great crisis, and its growth has experienced the baptism of world war and economic recovery, which makes the immature Canadian socialist movement mixed and full of difficulties. It once threatened the recognized two-party system and the two major political parties that have been in power alternately for a long time-the Liberal Party and the Conservative Party. However, under the internal and external troubles, the civilian cooperative alliance had to be reorganized, thus forming a new political party, the New Democratic Party of Canada, which not only continued the tradition, but also developed. In the process of the development and transformation of the civilian cooperative alliance-the New Democracy Party, its guiding ideology has also undergone a change from radical to slightly right.
In the history of the New Democracy Party for more than 70 years, the Regina Declaration at the beginning of its establishment is considered to be the most radical of all programmatic documents. Mainly in the attitude towards capitalism and nationalization. The Regina Declaration criticized the capitalist society as unjust and inhuman, with "extreme inequality in the distribution of wealth and opportunities" and "uncontrolled waste and instability". [4](p. 1 19) The Declaration also reveals that capitalism is a society in which one person oppresses others and one class exploits another. This hateful social system must be overthrown and replaced by a new and more just society. Only in this new society can universal welfare be guaranteed, rather than extracting surplus value. On the issue of nationalization, the Regina Declaration requires the nationalization management of banks' credit system, public and municipal service facilities, transportation, natural resources, electric power exploitation and other industries related to the national economy and people's livelihood. The Regina Declaration was born in the era of 1929- 1933, which shocked the capitalist world. Its understanding and criticism of capitalist society is in line with the characteristics and spirit of the times. Since the Second World War, great changes have taken place in capitalism, and the means of capitalist rule have also been adjusted, especially the improvement of workers' living standards, the increase of white-collar workers, the emergence of workers' shareholding and workers' participation in management, which greatly weakened the momentum of revolution and developed the trend of social reformism. The civilian cooperative alliance synchronized with social development gradually turned right.
During this period, the leaders of the People's Cooperative Alliance began to express remorse for the conclusion of eradicating capitalism pointed out in the Regina Declaration. They believe that it is this formulation that makes this party look more radical and divorced from reality. As early as 1944, David Lewis, leader of People's Cooperative Alliance, publicly expressed his support for mixed economy. This action is regarded as a betrayal of traditional socialism, a right turn of ideology and a retrogression of history, but it actually implies the future direction of this organization. In the Winnipeg Declaration adopted in 1956, this right turn was more obvious, the criticism of capitalism was greatly weakened, and the issue of eliminating capitalism was not mentioned at all, and the attitude on nationalization was quite cautious. The change of guiding ideology has challenged the continued existence and development of the civilian cooperative alliance, and at the same time, this political organization itself has experienced ups and downs during this period.
1935, when the civilian cooperative alliance was growing, the Social Credit Party led by William Aberhart lost the election, and the enthusiastic Alberta peasant government fell, and the most radical province in Canada quickly became the most conservative zone. At the same time, only in Saskatchewan, the civilian cooperative alliance was supported by votes. 1942, a candidate of the people's cooperative alliance won the mid-term election in the traditional constituency of the Conservative Party-the southern Yukon, which made the Conservative Party leaders deeply uneasy. The civilian cooperative alliance seems to have become an electoral force that cannot be ignored. The Ontario election of 1943 pushed the vote rate of the civilian cooperative alliance from 5% to 3 1%, just one step away from the formation of the cabinet; A year later, he won the election in Saskatchewan and came to power. [2](p. 14) Gallup poll in this period shows that the new force, the civilian cooperation alliance, won more public support than any of its rivals. This period seems to see the dawn of socialist victory in Canada, but historical development tells us that this is only a flash in the pan. Seeing the threat of failure, the Liberal Party was afraid that its think tank would turn to the civilian cooperative alliance, so it immediately wrote family relief and a series of veterans' laws into legal provisions and made various beautiful promises to the public. At the same time, the Conservative Party also added the word "progress" to its name. Some business groups maliciously supported the anti-socialist movement, linking the civilian cooperative alliance with Hitler's Nazism, and some industrialists even joined this activity. Moreover, in order to prevent democratic socialism from occupying the mainstream consciousness of society, the abnormal alliance between the capitalists and the Liberal Party has greatly split the left-wing votes. In the federal election of 1945, the advantages of the civilian cooperative alliance are no longer prominent. In Ontario, its public opinion support rate fell to 22%, and the number of legislative seats plummeted from 34 at the peak to only 8 seats.
Nothing can stimulate the development momentum of civil cooperation alliance in wartime. In Ottawa, the provincial legislative assemblies from Nova Scotia to British Columbia also gave some encouragement to the civilian cooperative alliance, but to no avail. The disintegration of members, the burnout of leaders, the financial crisis and the decline in support rate are all regarded as the end of protests in Canada. Although the strength in Saskatchewan has not diminished, the victory in Saskatchewan cannot be a platform for expansion to the whole of Canada.
1957, 25th anniversary celebration of civilian cooperation alliance. The celebration committee collected various photos, memoirs, distributed advertisements and printed commemorative books. Some people regard this as an early obituary of the civilian cooperative alliance, which seems to have ended its historical mission. However, the situation is unpredictable. In the election of 1957, the civilian cooperative alliance won 25 seats, higher than any time since 1945, but the popular support rate fell to the lowest point in history: 9.7%. When people are thinking about whether the civilian cooperative alliance can still exist as a representative of social democratic consciousness, the election one year later strengthened people's belief. 1958, the support rate of the civilian cooperative alliance dropped to the extreme, with only 8 seats and 9% support rate. [2](p. 19) At the same time, the two most respected leaders in the Party were defeated, and the crisis of the civilian cooperative alliance was no secret. In fact, before this, 1955 and 65438+February, there were discussions within the civilian cooperative alliance and the trade union, and a new organization was established to replace the civilian cooperative alliance, which won wide support; 1957, the newly established Ontario federal labor party authorized the new organization activities of the civilian cooperative alliance through a general assembly resolution; In May of the same year, the New Party Committee (NCNP) gave equal representation to the Civilian Cooperative Alliance and the Canadian Labor Committee (CLC), and in June, the Civilian Cooperative Alliance unanimously voted for an alliance with the Canadian Labor Committee. From 65438 to 0958, the Canadian Labor Congress, which was established only two years ago, announced its support for political alliance and launched a new political movement in April. 1958 1 1 the new party Committee published its first pamphlet in August 1959, and launched its first large-scale symposium to discuss the organization, social concept and guiding ideology of the new party. 1962, the civilian cooperative alliance and the trade union held their respective congresses to finally discuss new political activities. 1961April, Stanley Norris, the former leader of the civilian cooperation alliance, summarized the final organizational form and plan of the party. 196 1 The publication of the new party manifesto marks the formal establishment of the New Democracy Party. The New Democracy Party inherited the members of the civilian cooperative alliance and also inherited and developed the idea of democratic socialism.
New Democratic Party of Canada since 1930s and 1960s
Canada's left-wing leaders decided to set up a new organization to develop the civilian cooperation alliance that has existed for nearly 30 years, which was forced by the situation and had other considerations. In the history of the Canadian workers' movement, the leaders of many trade union organizations prefer to combine with the existing powerful political parties rather than launch social movements themselves, and there is a great disconnect between left-wing organizations and trade unions. Analyzing the history of the European socialist movement, they think that the development of the socialist movement can not be separated from the support of the labor union, and strengthening ties with trade unions has become an issue that leaders cannot but consider. At the same time, as the main body of political activities, it is very necessary for political parties to realize their social ideas, win over voters and expand their foundation. Since the establishment of the Civil Cooperation Alliance, the left-wing forces in French-speaking Quebec are almost blank. However, Quebec is a big province in Canada geographically, and its political activities cannot be separated from the support of Quebec forces. Therefore, the breakthrough of left-wing forces in Quebec is also the reason for the establishment of the New Democracy Party.
Tracing back to the history of the New Democracy Party since 196 1 was formally established, * * has experienced five leaders: 196 197 1 was T.C. Douglas, 19765438+. 1975- 1989 is E. broadbent, 1989- 1995 is A. maclaurin, 1995-2002 is A. McDonald, and J. Linton became the New Democracy Party in 2002. Compared with its predecessor, the civilian cooperation alliance, the establishment of the New Democracy Party is also a success of the left-wing decision-making. Although it has not yet been in power in Canada, the New Democracy Party has always had the greatest influence in a few government affairs of the federal government. Party member, a member of the New Democracy Party, most of his deputies came from central China and Ottawa, but he was not elected in Quebec. A member of the Canadian Progressive Conservative Party in Quebec left the party and joined the New Democracy Party on 1986, but left the New Democracy Party the next year. Nevertheless, 1987 has gained unprecedented popularity in Quebec. [5] (p. 609)
As a force in Canadian politics, the New Democracy Party plays the role of a socialist and compound economic conservative in domestic affairs, advocates the welfare state and faithfully supports the federal government, so it is more recognized by local authorities in various provinces. In foreign affairs, guided by pacifism, it shows a strong tendency to ease. However, some American writers refer to the New Democratic Party as "the base camp against nationalism" in their written comments, because its position on some issues is relatively exclusive. Admittedly, as a political faction in Canada, the New Democracy Party opposes Canada's accession to the North Atlantic Treaty Organization and the North American Joint Air Defense Command (NORAD) and demands that Canada become a nuclear-free zone. On the issue of increasing the proportion of foreign trade and foreign-funded industries, especially the proportion of American assets, Canada's economy is strongly required to be completely independent. But we should see that the nationalism of the New Democracy Party is moderate, not combative. It is under the pressure of the New Democracy Party that the Liberal government has set up some nationalist institutions, such as the National Energy Plan and the Foreign Investment Review Bureau.
In short, the New Democracy Party has experienced ups and downs as an election organization since its establishment, and its guiding ideology has also undergone subtle changes. Today, the New Democracy Party is still only a political organization that is in power at the local level, but it is not dispensable. It is under the impetus of the New Democracy Party that various welfare policies and social problems in Canada can be better solved. For Canada as a whole, especially for some provinces and regions, the achievements of the New Democracy Party are indelible.
[Author Brief Introduction] Zhang Xiaohong (1975—), female, from Baoding, Hebei Province, graduated from Law and Politics College of Hebei Normal University in 2005, and is currently a teacher of Science and Technology College of North China Electric Power University.
References:
[1] Peng Kunyuan. Canadian democracy survey [A]. Jiang Peng. Canadian democratic political system [C]. Beijing: Social Science Press, 1993.
[2] Desmond Morton. NDP: Social Democracy in Canada [M]. Toronto, 1977.
[3] Cooperative Federalism is called "Civilian Cooperative Alliance" by most people in China, and also called "Cooperative Federalism Party".
[4] Chen Qineng. New Democracy Party active in Canadian politics. Jiang Peng. Democracy and political system in Canada. Beijing: Social Science Press, 1993.
Lan Renzhe and Liao. Encyclopedia of Canada [M]. Chengdu: Sichuan Dictionary Publishing House, 1998.