Tian Kun Xiong Xi, a professor from Imperial College London who repeatedly attacked Professor Chihua in Principle Japan, compiled the papers serialized in Japan magazine at the end of the second year 11into the article "All-round Chihua Symptoms in Japan, Curing the Bad Causes of the Legal Department Scandal". After receiving the pamphlet, Nana Ogawa's son-in-law Gong Zeyu, a member of the Political Friendship Association, asked Hatoyama's Minister of Education to expel Professor Chihua at the meeting of the House Budget Committee on February 1933. Although Gong Ze didn't give a specific name in the request, his meaning was clear at a glance. These Chihua professors refer to four professors, namely Hideyoshi Konoha, Shin Guang Itsutaro, associate professor of economics, and Gao Chuan Yuji, professor of law at Kyoto Imperial University.
In fact, before this, the Ministry of Education had already pegged Professor Longchuan. The year before last1October 28th, 10, Professor Longchuan gave a speech entitled Tolstoy's View of Criminal Law from Resurrection. The judicial authorities thought that the speech insulted the judge and advocated anarchism, so they informed the Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology. After receiving Gong Ze's request, the Ministry of Education began to take positive actions against Kyoto University. On February 23rd, Yukio Hatoyama, Minister of Education, expressed his dissatisfaction with the Criminal Law Reader written by Professor Tuochuan to Shinto Shinzo, President of Kyoto University, and Shigeyoshi, who has been designated as the next president. Then, in March of 10, Ito Yanji, Minister of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology of Japan, criticized Longchuan's criminal law theory to Hero Miyamoto, Minister of Justice of Kyoto University. After the closing of the parliament, the government immediately decided to punish Professor Longchuan. 10 In April, the Ministry of Internal Affairs issued an order prohibiting the publication of Longchuan's works "Criminal Law Reader" and "Criminal Law Lecture Notes". On the 22nd of the same month, Vice Minister of Education Su formally asked President Xiaoxi to punish Professor Longchuan. On May 9th, Minister of Education Hatoyama personally conveyed to President Xiaoxi the policy of disposing Professor Longchuan decided by the Cabinet.
The law professor thought that the punishment of Longchuan violated the freedom of academic research and university autonomy, so he protested through the president in May 1933. 13, the professors of law department started a debate with them in the newspaper, aiming at the view that professors have freedom of research, but not freedom of teaching and publishing. 15 professor will say, if forced punishment, all resign. 18, President Xiaoxi officially informed the Ministry of Education that he refused to take disciplinary action. On the 23rd, all six professors of Law Department/KLOC-0 signed their resignations, saying that "as long as they can't achieve their goals, they will never accept to remain in office".
1On May 25th, 933, the government took Longchuan Theory as Marxism, which violated the obligation of "national ideological cultivation" that university professors should undertake as stipulated in the university decree, and raised questions with the Civil Service Higher Identification Committee. The next day, after receiving the agreed conclusion, the government immediately issued a disciplinary order. After receiving this news, all the professors in the law department and the associate professors, lecturers and teaching assistants who decided to follow them submitted their resignations to the president.
Among the four professors accused of having problems in parliament, why was Longchuan the only one who was punished first? There are three reasons to judge. First of all, the principle of a legally prescribed punishment for a crime in Longchuan's criminal law theory conflicts with the trial of sentencing by judges based on evidence evaluation in the Law on Safeguarding Public Security. At the same time, his words and deeds against military coaches at Kyoto University particularly highlighted his liberal stance. Second, Professor Takukawa made no secret of his expression in his lectures and speeches. In addition, Kyoto University has been regarded as a hotbed of "red" for many years and is easily punished. Thirdly, since the Liu Ze incident, Kyoto University has been regarded as the base camp of university autonomy, and the Ministry of Education believes that if Kyoto University can be brought to its knees, it can be easily controlled.
The struggle of the Faculty of Law of Kyoto University not only failed to seek external support, but also drew a clear line with associate professors, lecturers and teaching assistants, and even avoided giving explanations to other departments and universities. This masculinity of not being afraid of isolation and refusing to communicate is also justified tactically. Because there were voices at that time accusing the professor of always resigning and going on strike. As we will see later, we can also know from the indifferent reactions of other departments and other universities that going abroad is likely to have the opposite effect. Besides, the professors' association itself is not monolithic. The professor conference consists of three parts, including 8 mainstream students, 5 middle-aged and elderly people and 3 young people. Professors outside the mainstream are not active in the protests. In the end, only the mainstream faction resigned and withdrew from Kyoto University. If the professor can carry out external activities, it is likely to lead to division earlier.
On the contrary, the students took active actions and became the main force of the protest movement against Longchuan's punishment. First of all, in May of 19, law students ruled out the suspension of the professors' association, held a student membership meeting of the Friendship Association (Alumni Association) and made a resolution to absolutely support the professors' association. Later, they held a meeting of senior high school representatives and established the Central Committee, the Negotiation Department, the Information Department, the Accounting Department and the General Affairs Department to promote the development of sports inside and outside the school. After the punishment of Longchuan on May 26th, the protest movement expanded to various departments, and various departments also set up organizations similar to the Ministry of Justice. At the general meeting of all students held on June 6th, a resolution was made: (1) Support the law professors and defend their independence and freedom to the death; (2) Condemning the administrative authorities of the Ministry of Education; (3) We strongly expect professors from all departments and the whole country to unite and resolutely oppose compromise; (4) The protest struggle will never stop until Professor Longchuan is reinstated. In order to organize the protest movement, the students set up a student organization, and 96 students from all departments formed a school representative meeting as a resolution organ. In addition, 14 representatives of the central departments of various departments formed the agreement meeting of the central departments of the whole school as the executive organ.
The rapid development of the student movement is precisely because Kyoto University has inherited the tradition of student movement since last year's hurricane. Although all left-wing organizations except the Youth League were eliminated at that time, many activists of these organizations stayed at school. They are responsible for planning protests behind the scenes, and liberal centrist students play the leading role in the front desk. The operation of student organizations is also extremely democratic. University authorities do not suppress sports, but allow students to use classrooms freely. At the same time, students call on professors from all departments to support the law department, and at the same time, through the path of high school reunion, carry out activities for other universities, especially Imperial University with law department. Not only that, they also talked about the significance of sports by visiting various megaphones and sending letters to their fathers and brothers.
Although students actively participate in sports, the professors' associations of various departments have not issued a statement supporting the law department. Compared with the practice of protesting to the Ministry of Education, the overwhelming atmosphere on campus is to hope that things can end smoothly. Ikutaro Nishida, a representative philosopher of Kyoto University, thinks that "a university cannot be destroyed in a long river", which symbolizes the internal atmosphere of the campus at that time.
In the growing anger of students, students from the departments of economics and literature with strong student strength went on strike. However, this operation strategy is counterproductive. As the Department of Economics and the Department of Literature were closed on May 3 1 Sunday and June 14 and 65438 respectively, students have returned to China one after another, and two-thirds of the students were out of school in mid-June. After the student conference on June 16 against the "Small West Plan" (described later), the student movement has turned to a low ebb. The arrest by the police authorities of the youth league rebuilt in Kyoto University also aroused students' anxiety. As a result, students stopped their activities in Kyoto and began to promote enlightenment activities in their hometown, but the results were limited to Fukuoka and Hiroshima.
Outside the school, the main goal of the protest movement is to mobilize the University of Tokyo to carry out the struggle. Students of Kyoto University have received a positive response from Dongda University through interpersonal relationships such as graduating from high school. By June 9, the Higher Generation Council had been established in the departments of law, economics and literature. Unlike Kyoto University, Dongda's youth organization is relatively sound, with 50 grassroots members and more than 800 copies of the organ newspaper Red Gate Warrior every week. Since April 26th, the Red Gate Warriors have actively published reports on the events in Peking University, and members of the * * * Youth Organization have also been active in the front desk of the High Council. The student movement in the University of Tokyo has been developing under the ban of university authorities and police authorities. On June 17, the students' meeting of two departments of economics and literature and the joint students' meeting of three departments of law, economics and literature on June 2 1 were all held illegally.
However, like Peking University, the professors' meetings of various departments of Neusoft University did not move. The Faculty of Law of the University of Tokyo stood in the same trench with Kyoto University in the turbid water incident in 1905 and the Liu Ze incident in 19 14, and fought against the Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology. At this time, although some young professors proposed to express their opinions in the name of the law department, this view was stopped by Presbyterian professors. It is said that the reason behind this is that Onodera Guiping, president of Dongda University, who was born in law, and Hatoyama, Minister of Education, concluded a secret agreement, which stated that if Professor Dongda did not participate in the protest movement, he would not be punished like Professor Longchuan. Whether there is a secret agreement or not, in reality, professors from all departments of Middle East University remain silent, and three teachers, Mohong, Konoha and You Ze, who were accused of having problems in parliament, were not punished.
In addition, the French Department of Northeastern University also set up a senior representative meeting, and held a student meeting on June 1933, and decided to boycott classes. However, the movement ended in failure because most students opposed the resolution. The activities of the French Department of Kyushu University have stopped during the preparatory meeting of the Higher Generation Congress. The conference of professors in these two universities has been silent.
The student movement that spread to various universities itself also gave birth to the joint organization plan between universities. 1 In July, 16 representatives of universities formed the Alliance for the Protection of University Freedom (referred to as the Alliance) in Tokyo. Stimulated by this movement, in July 10, Hasegawa Ruoxian, Miki Ito and others took the lead in forming an academic freedom alliance with more than 400 members including writers, critics, actors and publishers. Comprehensive magazines such as Central Public Review, Reform, Japan Review and Literature Spring and Autumn Annals have published a large number of papers supporting Peking University. Newspapers such as Tokyo Asahi, Osaka Asahi, Yomiuri Shimbun and Hiroshi published editorials in support of Peking University, but Tokyo Day, Osaka Daily, Current Affairs News and Chinese and Foreign Business Daily criticized Peking University. The local media in Kyoto unanimously expressed their support for Peking University.
1933 On May 28th, when Longchuan's suspension order was issued, Xiaoxi, president of Peking University, submitted his resignation letter to Minister of Education and Culture of Hatoyama. The Minister of Education has made reservations about this, and the Senate and ministers of various departments of Kyoto University also hope that President Xiaoxi can remain in office. On this basis, President Konishi issued a statement on May 29th, staying in office until the problem is solved. On June 8, 300 students stood in support of President Xiaoxi who was going to Tokyo at Kyoto Station. On June 9, Xiaoxi arrived at the Ministry of Education and started negotiations. First of all, Xiaoxi suggested that the Minister of Education make the following statement: "For this incident, the Minister of Education thinks that the opinions expressed by law professors are appropriate, and the spirit of their opinions will be respected when taking measures in the future, allowing the freedom of research and teaching and the autonomy of university personnel to advance and retreat within the scope of university orders." This content is based on the suggestion of Professor Sasaki, the authority of the Law Department. Its purpose is to make the Minister of Education admit his mistake, re-allow the principle of university autonomy, and consider Longchuan's future reinstatement, hoping to control the development of the situation.
In response to this suggestion, the attitude of the Ministry of Education is that "for this incident, our province will always adhere to the principle that the Longchuan issue will not be dealt with separately. Therefore, its hope will not be accepted. " Peking University aims to solve the Longchuan problem itself, but the Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology regards it as a solution, and then only needs to issue an abstract document as a remedial measure. Their positions are always in a state of fundamental opposition. The Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology even released rumors that it would close the law department of Kyoto University.
In June 1933 and 12, the talks between the two sides ended because of opposition. While Nishi was trying to find a solution, Mizuno Miyuki, former president of Kyoto University Hidetaro and literature minister Haneda negotiated and reached a compromise in Kyoto. According to this plan, Xiaoxi continued to negotiate with the Ministry of Education on June 5438+04. As a result of this negotiation, Hatoyama, Minister of Education and Culture, officially released the following solution (Small West Solution) that night without the knowledge of the Law Department of Peking University.
The President asked the Minister of Education and Culture to fully consider the establishment of freedom of research and teaching within the scope of law and the principle of autonomy of universities on the promotion and retirement of professors on the basis of observing the spirit of academic research advocated by law professors. To this, the Minister of Education and Culture replied as follows:
The above requirements of the president for academic research and teaching in universities and the advancement and retreat of professors should be recognized within the scope of laws and traditional handling practices. It is expected that your university will make greater efforts to realize the original mission of the university on the basis of understanding the first purpose of the University Order.
All departments except Law Department expressed strong support for this solution, but on June 5438+06, Professor Law Department thought that the solution ignored the opinions of Law Department and ratified the punishment of Professor Longchuan, so he still insisted on resigning. The student assembly of the whole school also expressed support for the law department. President Xiaoxi also indicated his intention to resign on the same day.
Later, Professor Sasaki made a compromise to the Ministry of Education, demanding that the Ministry of Education only indicate that the president of Kyoto University will strive to reinstate Professor Gao Chuan in the future, and the Ministry of Education will consider this point in the future, but the Ministry of Education did not accept it. On the other hand, Koichi Muhu, a member of the House of Lords who graduated from Peking University, and Nagano Chang, a grand jury judge, also tried to facilitate representatives of the Ministry of Justice to go to Beijing to meet with Hatoyama's Minister of Education, but they were rejected by the Ministry of Justice, and the two sides remained opposed.
1On June 6th, 933, Yuanxing Matsui, a professor of Science Department who was just elected in the presidential election (the second candidate was Tomitoshi Sasaki), arrived in Tokyo on June 28th 15, and submitted the resignation of Professor 15 of Law Department to the Minister of Education (Saburo Inoue died on June 28th). However, the Minister of Education only accepted the resignations of five hard-line professors, including Yoshiichi Sasaki, Hero Miyamoto, Tomoko Moriguchi, Yuji Kazuki, Suekawa Hiroshi and Professor Hideyoshi Miyamoto, who was regarded as a soft school, and rejected the rest. This disposal obviously means denying the university president's right to report information (personnel information), but President Matsui only brought his resignation back to Kyoto intact and then began to retain the remaining nine professors.
At this time, Hero Miyamoto was worried that the resignation of all professors would lead to the disintegration of the law department, so he suggested to President Matsui that he entrust Professor Yuji Nakajima, a veteran of the law department, to handle related matters. After Professor Nakajima took over, he put forward a compromise plan prepared in advance, and President Matsui started negotiations with the Ministry of Education. On July 1933 and 18, President Matsui brought back a solution called Matsui Solution from the Ministry of Education. The plan is an enhanced version of the previous plan for the small west. The most crucial point is that the Minister of Education clearly stated that "what the Ministry of Education has done to Professor Longchuan this time is divided into measures taken in a very special state, and the Ministry of Education still follows the precedent of many years and makes it on the basis of the principal's report."
Hero Miyamoto's intention is that all professors in the law department will agree that Matsui's solution is a last resort. All resigned professors will be hired as part-time teaching teachers, so that the classroom teaching in the law department can continue, and at the same time, the resignation of teachers below associate professors will be withdrawn. However, unexpectedly, the newly elected Minister of Justice, Professor Yuji Nakajima, held a professor meeting on July 22nd, 1933, in which only the remaining professors attended. After the meeting, the professor will issue a statement, pointing out that the new Minister of Education in Matsui settlement case shows that this kind of punishment for Professor Tuochuan is limited to this time and will not be repeated in the future. At this time when Da Kuichuan's resignation has been confirmed, the purpose of the struggle of the Ministry of Justice has been achieved, so all resignations have been withdrawn. However, among these professors, two people, Mr. Heng Tenggong and Mr. Tamura Tokuji, thought that the Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology had become a "very special state" and could punish professors in any case, so they refused to stay in office. Under such circumstances, the unity of the professor camp collapsed, and seven professors left Kyoto University, leaving eight (Professor Hideyoshi Miyamoto returned to Peking University at the end of that year). Although Sasaki and Hero Palace tried their best to persuade the teachers below associate professor to withdraw their resignation in order to rebuild the law department, thirteen of the teachers below eighteen associate professors insisted on resigning. In this way, two-thirds of the 33 teachers in the law department left Kyoto University.
The Association of New Professors of the Ministry of Justice, which claims that its goal has been achieved, can no longer tolerate the continuation of the student movement. On July 27th, as soon as the Law Students' Congress issued a resolution against Matsui's case, the Central Department of Law received a dissolution order and was not allowed to continue to use the classroom. Minister of Information Nishida Nagjiro also issued an order prohibiting the publication of reports on the Longchuan incident in the "Jingda News". The police also arrested activists from 3 1, and by August 2, they had arrested eleven people, including the chairman of Zilian. After entering the new semester in September, the Central Department of the Ministry of Justice began a movement to reinstate resigned professors to replace the previous strike movement. However, due to the unreasonable way of the movement, both the resigned professors and the remaining professors disagreed, and the movement ended without results. A few students who indicated that they would follow the professor and submit their application for withdrawal were eventually retained. On September 24th, "Zilian" disintegrated because the Kanto branch was arrested by the police.
In addition to Miyamoto Hiroshi, Gao Chuan Yuji and Miyamoto Hideyoshi who became lawyers, 18 of the 2 teachers who resigned from Peking University were hired by Ritsumeikan University on September 1933. However, except for Professor Sasaki, who is the president of Ritsumeikan University, four former professors of Peking University retired as part-time teachers, four former associate professors were promoted to professors, and the remaining nine were promoted to associate professors or lecturers respectively. However, in April of the following year, three newly promoted professors and three newly promoted associate professors returned to Kyoto University and resumed their original teaching posts, which was the result of the persuasion work initiated by Judge Hoshino and others mentioned above.
The protest movement failed to achieve the goal of Professor Longchuan's reinstatement, that is, failed to restore the autonomy system of the professors' association on personnel issues, which meant the failure of the movement. From the speech made by Yukio Hatoyama's Minister of Education and Culture at the 65th Congress, it is obvious that the other professors gave a wrong explanation of Matsui reconciliation. Yukio Hatoyama, Minister of Education, said, "Even if there is no report on the president, professors who violate the university order can eventually be replaced" (1February 7, 934, Budget Committee of the House of Representatives). Then he went on to say that "whether the content of the handout violates the order of the university can be decided by the Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology as the supervisory organ" (February 27th Budget Committee). Obviously, it is undoubtedly not the law department of Kyoto University, but the Ministry of Education. After the destruction of university autonomy, the Japanese fascist forces focused on the destruction of academic freedom itself, which was proved by the Imperial Palace incident two years after the Longchuan incident.
The failure of Peking University was a last resort. After the war, there was a view that the policy adopted by the Law Department of Kyoto University in the Longchuan incident was isolationist and too politicized. These views make people feel irrelevant. In the Longchuan incident, of course, it was the political friends who supported Yukio Hatoyama, Minister of Education, who belonged to their own party, while the democratic parties stood by. The Faculty of Law of the University of Tokyo and other departments did not make any support actions. In this case, where are the conditions for victory? The freedom and autonomy of universities are integrated with the freedom and autonomy of ordinary citizens outside universities. As the aftermath of the first constitutional movement, university autonomy has long been lost in the fascism under the Manchuria Incident. Of course, what is commendable is the integrity and courage of professors and students who knew that victory was hopeless from the beginning but still dared to challenge.
1 945165438+10/day, Niya Rysaburo, who became the president of Kyoto University after losing the election, made a request to Maeda Duomen, the former cabinet minister of education of Biyuan, requesting that the Faculty of Law of Kyoto University be restored to the state before disciplinary action was taken against Professor Gao Chuan. Prior to this, the Allied Command (GHQ) has issued a memorandum, giving priority to restoring the positions of liberal and anti-militaristic professors who were expelled during the war. On 10/019, Maeda, Minister of Education, submitted a memorandum to President Niaoya, admitting that Professor Longchuan was wrongly punished and reaffirming the freedom of research and the autonomy of professors. With the progress of these works, 1946, 16, in February, Gao Chuan Yuji resumed the teaching position of Professor of Peking University, and at the same time became the Minister of Legal Affairs, undertaking the reconstruction of the Legal Department.