This is a big problem. In fact, the answer can't be taken for granted as A/B/CB/C. According to the information I can find, I will try my best to present it objectively.

1. The success of Hong Kong in historical opportunities is attributed to British rule.

Since 1950s, due to the blockade of China government by the international community, the United States has imposed a comprehensive embargo, banning all trade with China. As a result, China government expelled foreign companies after trading ports, and Hong Kong became the main gateway of world trade with China. In addition, in order to escape the influx of Shanghai industrialists who were disappointed with the Kuomintang, the manufacturing industry developed rapidly. However, with China's economic growth and opening to the outside world, the manufacturing and trade centers have gradually shifted to the mainland and the north, and the relative position of Hong Kong's foreign economy has declined. This influence has gradually increased with the reunification, making Hong Kong people feel that "today is not as good as before".

From 65438 to 0958, the British mainland was hit by cheap textiles mainly imported from Hong Kong, and a large number of workers lost their jobs. The House of Commons has conducted a survey on the working environment of Hong Kong's manufacturing industry, and found it disgraceful and must be improved. At that time, the prosperity of Hong Kong probably depended largely on the exploitation of workers and the extensive use of modern equipment. The strong support of the banking industry is crucial, and the government's completely open and non-intervention policy is also a very important factor. In fact, nearly 20 years after the British government regained control of Hong Kong after World War II, some people in the British House of Commons still avoided discussing the Hong Kong issue.

Objectively speaking, Hong Kong's historical success did not come from British Hui Ze. On the contrary, it is the product of the policy of "Don't shake the already unstable situation in Hong Kong" pursued by Sir Grantham, then Governor of Hong Kong, and the talents, technology and capital of China represented by Shanghai.

2. Objectively, two generations of citizens who lack national identity have been created, and their cognition of themselves has been limited. I'm not British, and I don't want to associate with Chinese mainland people at present.

Hong Kong is one of the rare non-primitive areas in the world where there has been no national education for more than 0/0/00 years.

When Hong Kong lost its cultural ties with China and Britain, it became a floating city. Xixi, a Hong Kong writer, said in his novel that "a floating city is a city with citizenship but no nationality". 1997 After the reunification, the floating city found a place to take root. The identity confusion of Hong Kong people appeared after 1967. The anti-British riots that occurred this year prompted the British Hong Kong government to promote new education and culturally split the relationship between Hong Kong and the Mainland. The British Hong Kong government provides every student with a "basic education" of "British ideals and customs". 1975, a teacher from Chongzhen Middle School in Kowloon took his students to visit the "Photo Exhibition of Modern History of China", and the authorities wanted to dismiss the principal of the school on the grounds of "leading students to participate in political activities".

After World War II, Hong Kong's per capita GDP surpassed that of Britain, but economic development prompted Hong Kong people born in the 1960s and 1970s to gradually strengthen their local awareness. Due to the special historical environment, Hong Kong people's national concept is relatively weak. After the reunification, some people still don't know their national identity. However, they agree that they are "Hong Kong people". According to a sample poll conducted by Oriental Daily 20 12, over 65% of Hong Kong people consider themselves pure Hong Kong people, and Hong Kong identity takes precedence over China identity, while the proportion of post-80s generation who identify with China people is low.

3. Long-term colonial rule has traditionally ignored public opinion, but after the reunification, local officials lacked long-term governance policies and firm governance measures, governance was too subject to public opinion, and populist forces were too strong.

During the British government's rule, the British Hong Kong government adopted laissez-faire policies and measures to the economy as much as possible. In the 1960s and 1970s, especially during the Cultural Revolution, a large number of Cantonese people flooded into Hong Kong to engage in labor-intensive industries such as light industrial processing and export trade. Liberalism helps to release productive forces and make Hong Kong one of the most dynamic emerging economies. On the one hand, the income and treatment of ordinary wage earners have been greatly improved, and the whole society is filled with a positive atmosphere of "Monday to Monday". On the other hand, Li Ka-shing, Lee Shau Kee, Zheng Yutong and other families with industries have emerged. In this context, the British Hong Kong government, which advocates inaction, has gradually become the spokesman of the big capital family.

With the reform and opening up in the mainland, low land rent, labor costs and active policy support have attracted a large number of Hong Kong-funded enterprises to go north. The hollowing out of industries has greatly affected the livelihood of industrial workers in Hong Kong. They have neither thought of low-level basic services nor the ability to engage in high-income industries such as finance, banking and securities, and gradually formed a "complaining class", which is in a dilemma. Most of their children, born in the 1980s and 1990s, continue their parents' old ways, and few of them can go to college. Most of them are thrown into society after graduating from high school, but there are not enough jobs in society. Engaged in catering, retail and service industries, we have to compete with a group of uncles and aunts.

At the same time, the bourgeoisie, high-end professionals and other people have greater opportunities and earn more money in the opening up of the mainland, and the hollowing out of local industries in Hong Kong has little impact on them. Hong Kong is such a dumbbell-shaped society. There are many elites and rich people, and there are also many citizens at the bottom. The middle class can be said to be a candle in the wind. Under the double oppression of the financial sector and the real estate sector, life is forced to be tied with bank debts, and the housing burden becomes a "high-end slave".

At the critical stage before the return of Hong Kong, the local capital chaebol was wooed by China. Li Ka-shing, Bao Yugang, Run Run Shaw and others often appear in the mainland media as "patriotic businessmen", exchanging investment opportunities in the mainland for their support. However, their influence in Hong Kong is often acquiesced by the central government and becomes a "controllable force" that restricts the British government in Hong Kong. On the other hand, once their interests run counter to those of the SAR Government after the reunification, the consequences can often be imagined.

During Tung Chee-hwa's term of office, he proposed the Home Ownership Scheme, which allowed the low-income class to buy buildings close to the quality of commercial housing at the market price of14, so they could only live in their own homes and could not trade. As it coincided with the political Asian financial turmoil at that time, property prices in Hong Kong plummeted in the following two years, and property owners (about 240,000 property speculators and mortgage lenders) became "negative assets" one after another (that is, the market value of existing assets was not equal to bank liabilities), and together with the interests of the financial and banking industries, they opposed Tung Chee-hwa's policies.