[Keywords:] China Social Work Localization Farmers Association Cooperative
First of all, China's social work needs localized social work theory.
In essence, social work is a protective institutional arrangement constructed by developed capitalist countries in Europe and America to cope with a series of new social problems in the early stage of social transformation, and it is an integral part of the social "safety valve" mechanism. Charity in Christian society has a long history, and social work originates from social charity work. As a formal social system arrangement, social work sprouted in the late18th century, developed in19th century and matured in the early 20th century. This period is a period when capitalist countries in Europe and America turn from agricultural society to industrial society, from rural society to urban society, and from traditional society to modern society. In this century or so, social work has adapted to the needs of social change, and its work content has changed from early relief to a huge system with relief, help and development as its work content, and has gradually been institutionalized and organized.
Unlike European and American countries, China is a latecomer to modernization. For China, "modernization" is not a "natural historical process", but an artificial social change process led by the government. The pioneers of modernization have completed social changes in a relatively long period of time, and the latecomers must complete them in a short time. Violent social changes in a short period of time will bring many social problems. In order to deal with these problems, we began to introduce the concept, teaching and research of social work in the 1980s. At the end of the 20th century, China began to try to construct its own social work system.
China's modernization process is not, nor can it be, a process of copying the modernization process of developed countries, but a process with both universality and particularity of modernization. While respecting the universality of modernization, we must organically combine these principles with China's local resources, so as to make China's modernization possible, as well as social work. Western social work developed in the period of social transformation and matured in the period of social transformation. There is no rural community in its society in the traditional sense, and its social work mainly serves the disadvantaged groups in the city. China Port and Taiwan Province, which introduced western social work earlier, solved the localization problem caused by social differences between the East and the West because their social forms were also dominated by cities. For Chinese mainland, the problem is much more complicated. Chinese mainland has highly modernized areas. In these areas, we can even see some "postmodern" phenomena, some areas that have been initially modernized, and some areas that have been almost completely excluded from the modernization process. In this society with synchronic and pluralistic social forms, far from industrialization and urbanization, our social work is bound to be very different from that of developed countries, and we should have our own characteristics different from those of western countries in theory, method, technology and organization. In other words, in the development of social work in China, the primary problem is how to realize the localization of social work in China.
The so-called localization is based on the reality of China's social development, organically combining foreign social work theories and methods with China's tradition, culture and values, so that the combined social work theories and methods can effectively serve China society. Hong Kong and Taiwan in China have basically completed the localization process of social work theory and methods because of the early development of social work education. Undoubtedly, it will take a long time for Chinese mainland to develop professional services, professionalize social workers and educate and train social workers locally.
The localization of social work in China is first reflected in the localization of social work service objects-its service objects should be the rural population, which accounts for the majority of the population in China, which is determined by the nature of social work serving the socially disadvantaged groups. The second aspect of China's social work localization is the localization of social work theory and method, which is closely related to the first aspect. With the localization of working objects, we should learn from the western theories and methods of social work and develop social work theories and methods that meet the social needs of China. The third aspect of the localization of social work in China is the localization of social work institutions. In the development of social work in western countries, due to the space for social development and strong material support, a relatively independent social "third sector" emerged, which is the main carrier of social work. There are great differences between China and western developed countries in political setting and economic development level, and social work organizations in China should also have their own characteristics different from those in the west.
Second, rural development in China needs rural social work with China characteristics.
Since 1950s, China has chosen the road of industrialization and urbanization of "one country, two systems, urban and rural areas divided", making China a typical dual society. After more than 20 years of reform and opening up, China's rural economy has developed rapidly. Q solved the problem of food and clothing for farmers, and farmers in some areas lived a rich life. However, the reform did not involve the institutional obstacles set up during the period of agricultural collectivization-farmers did not have their own land and organizations. There is no market intermediary organization cooperative in economy, and scattered small farmers can neither resist other organized social forces in the market, nor fully realize farmers' autonomy or set up farmers' own interest groups politically, nor resist the super-economic deprivation of political authority. Market-oriented reform has increased the supply of agricultural technical factors, but at the same time weakened the supply of social factors. Transforming traditional agriculture, universal primary education and basic medical care that everyone can enjoy are lower than before the reform. At the same time, the government failed to provide a fair and orderly market environment, and the phenomenon of excessive concentration mentioned by Huang Zongzhi still exists in the vast central and western regions. In recent years, although the growth of farmers' income is slow, statistics show that the growth of farmers' income mainly comes from the growth of labor income, and the proportion of agricultural income to farmers' income is gradually decreasing. Due to the deepening of the reform of state-owned enterprises and the upgrading of urban industrial structure, urban unemployment and laid-off workers have increased greatly, making it more difficult for farmers to work and do business in cities. Many cities have introduced various regulations that discriminate against farmers working and doing business in cities. Farmers who enter cities cannot become citizens due to institutional reasons, and women, the elderly and children have to stay in the countryside, making the countryside appear "empty shell" trend. In addition, the contradiction between cadres and masses in rural areas has intensified, public security has deteriorated, land has been abandoned seriously, soil erosion, ecological deterioration, and grass-roots governments have excessive debts. To some extent, it exists all over the country. It is in the face of this situation that the voice of "farmers are really bitter, the countryside is really poor, and agriculture is really dangerous" has emerged.
After the reform and opening up, agriculture, as a weak industry, should not only bear natural risks, but also bear market risks, because compared with those organized forces in the market, farmers are scattered, and most of the market risks will be passed on to scattered farmers. Even in the recent round of rising food prices, farmers' benefits are limited. By 200 1, the total rural population in China is 993.8 million, and the rural labor force is 482.3 million, accounting for 75.0% of the total population. Undoubtedly, social work in China should pay attention to this vulnerable group, whether from the requirements of its own professional development or from the perspective of promoting rural modernization. But the reality is that in the social work education in China, the research and actual participation in rural social work are almost blank. At the 4th annual meeting of China Social Work Education Association held in Tianjin in February, 2003, out of more than 100 papers submitted, only 4 were related to rural social work.
As a huge social existence, rural areas in China should be the main field of social work. The first choice for the localization of social work in China is to orient the theoretical research, method innovation and organizational form innovation of social work to the vast rural areas of China. Then, how should social work in China intervene in rural areas, agriculture and serve farmers? In order to explore this problem, the author conducted a simple rural survey on social work students who returned home in July and August 2000. The purpose of this survey is to understand the role of agricultural cooperatives or farmers' associations in rural economic and social development under the conditions of market economy, and to explore ways for social workers to intervene in the development and growth of agricultural cooperatives or farmers' associations. The questionnaire involves two main questions, namely, "How do farmers buy agricultural means of production" and "How do farmers sell their own agricultural products". In the way of purchasing agricultural materials and selling agricultural products, two indicators of "individual" and "collective" are designed. "Collective" refers to agricultural cooperatives, various professional associations or village committees. 34 farmers in 9 counties 19 villages in three provinces were investigated. The samples were randomly selected by local social work students, and each student was asked to investigate three or five households. Most of the students are from Jiangsu province, so most of the farmers surveyed are in Jiangsu. The sample farmers come from seven counties and cities such as Pizhou, Ganyu, Tongzhou, Hanjiang, Qidong, Taicang and Huai 'an in Jiangsu, and two farmers from yinan county in Shandong and Dongkou in Hunan. 34 sample farmers 133 people, cultivated land 100.4 mu, 3.9 people per household, 3.24 mu of land per household and 0.83 mu of cultivated land per capita. Among the 34 sample families, 47 people work part-time or go out to work, and the average family size is 1.5, among which 7 families have no part-time jobs or jobs. These 7 households are Pizhou 1 household, 2 households in Huai 'an, 2 households in Dongkou County, Hunan Province and 2 households in yinan county, Shandong Province. If these 7 households are excluded, the average number of other sample households is 1.95. Because most of the sample farmers come from Jiangsu, a province with a large population and a small land and a serious shortage of cultivated land, the average cultivated land area per household and per capita cultivated land area of the sample farmers are less than the national average. The first item of the questionnaire is "How do farmers buy agricultural means of production". The means of agricultural production include eight indicators, such as seeds, fertilizers, pesticides, plastic films, large farm tools, small farm tools, technical services and other agricultural materials. Purchase methods are divided into "individuals" and "collectives", and the purchase market is divided into "self-made (no need to buy), village, town, county and city. The second item of the questionnaire is "How do farmers sell their agricultural products? "Agricultural products include grain (mainly three kinds), livestock and poultry products (mainly three kinds), fruits, vegetables, handicrafts or handicrafts, and other agricultural products. Sales methods are also divided into "individual" and "collective", and the sales market is divided into "own home (door-to-door acquisition), village, town and county. It can be seen from the survey statistics that farmers mainly buy agricultural means of production and sell agricultural products in towns and villages, accounting for 24.26% and 23.53% respectively, followed by counties and cities. When the two indicators are put together, the statistics are 19. 12%, and there is no need to buy them, but the agricultural production materials made by ourselves account for 9.55%, mainly "seeds". Agricultural product marketing