Why did China choose Marxism to understand history in modern times? We can find that the bourgeoisie does have opportunities for development and even success, but due to subjective and objective reasons, it finally failed to seize it. China * * * Production Party, which believes in Marxism, can stand out on the same historical stage, which shows that Marxism advocated by China * * * adapted and catered to the needs of China at that time to the greatest extent. Many historical events, due to the particularity of their conditions and processes and even some coincidences, often make people doubt the rationality of success. I want to use "existence is reasonable" to explain this question. Historical contingency can only be explained by historical necessity? Only laws that meet special conditions can allow it to happen. The choice of history should be spontaneous and not influenced by several great men and events. Fundamentally speaking, he is following economic principles and seeking the best result. No matter where this choice will eventually lead the nation, it is the best solution to the urgent social problems at that time and meets the strong demand of the society at that time (we require the flexibility of the system to oppose the fixed and rigid solutions in the long-term development process, so the theory of "keeping pace with the times" is simple and simple, but it is indeed the most sensible guiding ideology for problems including the transformation of superstructure). Institutional theory includes implicit political principles, social structure and so on. Just like the rules of a social game, the name of the rules is not concerned by the reform or revolution. What kind of rules can better meet the needs of playing games (production and life) is the basis for people to make choices. The universal principles of industrialization, democracy and the rule of law, freedom and equality are not unique to capitalism, but are first embodied in capitalist society. People's pursuit of westernization is actually the pursuit of social development and modernization. This pursuit is actually a desire for essence, but people often understand it as a demand for content. As a social theory born out of capitalism, socialism can not only inherit their excellent ideas, but also criticize shortcomings and contradictions, and then put forward more scientific and perfect ideas. Some scholars believe that the superiority of Marxism lies in its "beautiful goal, clear road and clear strategy". For patients with depression in China, it is normal to approach the theory with these characteristics. All of the above are just a rough reflection on the problem. Next, I want to sort out the social process after the Opium War in China, so as to see the basic context and development trend of modern history. 1840 After the Opium War broke out, the country opened wide and the prelude of modern history began to slowly open. The factors that affect and restrict the social changes in China in the next century can be summarized as national crisis, rural crisis and national capitalist development crisis. Facing the problems of development and survival, each stratum has made different responses according to its own maturity. Two thousand years of feudalism made peasants and landlords the two main classes in China at that time, and they also took action almost at the same time. But backward production conditions and backward class conditions can easily lead to immature political actions. Facing the unprecedented new situation, the peasant class first manifested itself in the Taiping Heavenly Kingdom Uprising, which was almost a cult, and then the Boxer Rebellion at the end of 19, blindly excluding foreigners and helping the Qing Dynasty to destroy foreign countries. Even in the context of a completely feudal society, they cannot be regarded as periodic peasant uprisings that successfully realized regime change and social resource redistribution. What's more, at this time, China has been irresistibly involved in the new world dominated by capitalism, and the huge political and economic gap makes these peasant movements seem to be an unsustainable historical retrogression. Of course, from a positive point of view, their resistance to aggression and feudal rule (here refers to the impact on the future pattern) is still an indelible historical achievement. /kloc-In the middle of the 0/9th century, the enlightened elements of the landlord class also started the so-called Westernization Movement, but as a part of the system, they could not realize that the system itself was the greatest evil. Therefore, the result of the Westernization Movement, like its important leader Li Hongzhang, was just a paperhanger in the Qing Dynasty, barely maintaining the situation, but in the face of the growing European style and beautiful rain, it was inevitable to collapse. 190 1 the signing of the "Xin Chou Treaty" not only marked the beginning of the Qing government becoming a tool of the great powers, but also marked the complete conquest of the feudal system by the advanced capitalist system. The system can be conquered, but the nation cannot be slaughtered, which is similar to the hysteria at the bottom. At the same time, the upper class also realized the urgency of saving the country for the first time, and the "reform and reform" could not wait to begin. However, this action is like a premature baby, and there is no foundation for success. The reformists wavered between the bourgeoisie and the landlord class, and the compromise failed to win the support of the feudal ruling class; If you can't rely on strength, you hope on feudal idols without real power? For the emperor, this idea is as illusory as the ideal of the movement itself. This kind of national salvation will inevitably perish, which can only prove that it is unrealistic to hope to transform the feudal regime itself into a bourgeois regime through reform. The fundamental reason is that China lacks the soil for reform, improvement and constitutional monarchy, and cannot be nourished by the blood of the six gentlemen of the 1898 Movement. Here because of the reformists, by the way, the constitutionalists. They represent the upper bourgeoisie that has just been or is being transformed from the landlord class. The landlord and the bourgeoisie have two jobs. This characteristic determines that they are particularly afraid of "the order is broken and cannot be restored." Starting from their immediate interests, they generally do not welcome the revolution that overthrew the Qing government in the form of armed riots. This problem will be discussed in detail below. 19 1 1 year, the revolution of 1911 broke out. Different from the typical bourgeois revolution, the leaders of the Revolution of 1911 were not capitalists, but only revolutionaries with bourgeois ideology and political and economic orientation, and their political parties were just loose gay alliances. With a little luck, the revolution was first successful in Wuchang, and then the rule of the Qing government collapsed across the country, and the smooth degree even far exceeded the revolutionaries' expectations. This phenomenon not only shows that the people's resistance to decadent rule has been suppressed for a long time, but also shows the dual nature of the national bourgeoisie: even if it seems calm on the surface, they are unwilling to destroy it as long as it does not endanger their survival and harm their vital interests; And once there is hope of success, we can also enthusiastically support it in order to obtain greater benefits. After all, only the bourgeois regime can guarantee and develop the interests of the bourgeoisie to the maximum extent. The result of the revolution is not satisfactory. After the storm, feudalism and imperialism are still the biggest obstacles to the development of China. It can be said that the Revolution of 1911 only cut down a big tree that embraced feudalism and imperialism. Their branches and leaves are still intertwined and scattered all over China after the revolution, and their roots are still deeply buried in the soil of China society (represented by various feudal warlords). Although there is no shelter from towering trees, it is still difficult for new life to grow incisively and vividly. "Saving the country through industry" and "Party Cabinet" were two major political thoughts in the early years of the Republic of China, but they were difficult to put into practice completely, let alone produce any good results. The Treaty on the Recognition of Inequality by Foreign Countries continues to be valid, and the expulsion of Tatars has only expired. At first, people thought that once the revolution was won, all the work related to the nation, civil rights and even people's livelihood could be carried out smoothly, but in fact, it was still dark around, with no end in sight and no way out. But after all, the disintegration of a country's political power can still give different political forces more freedom to experiment and practice, so that they can prove whether their own path can lead China to success. The first thing to introduce is bureaucratic monopoly capitalism, which originated from a semi-colonial and semi-closed society. It is different from the state capital form of western capitalism. Without the development of private capital as the basis, the state capital in modern China has been restricting, utilizing, attacking and annexing private capital, and maintaining its feudal and semi-feudal dominance by controlling social productive forces in its hands. It should be noted that the formation of this form of state capital mainly comes from the government's financial allocation through issuing bonds and bank advances, and these burdens will eventually be passed on to the people through taxation and inflation. During the Kuomintang rule after the end of the Anti-Japanese War, bureaucratic monopoly capitalism developed to the point of abnormal expansion. As a result, ordinary working people and the bourgeoisie are on the verge of collapse. Secondly, the national capitalism of the middle and upper classes is based on landlords, bureaucrats, old-fashioned businessmen and some comprador-reformed national bourgeoisie. They always hope to bourgeois the political power and support the development of national capital through the reform of the ruling class itself. They maintained that feudal and semi-feudal land ownership should not be touched, and the interests of the landlord class on which they were born and lived should be safeguarded. In terms of foreign attitude, although opposed to imperialism, it is not firm. Because of its natural "cartilage" and congenital deficiency, we must rely on foreign capital to break through the shackles of feudal system, warlord rule and natural economy in capital accumulation and market development. Such an attitude is difficult to win wide support politically, but it will also narrow and polarize the domestic market economically, thus affecting the growth of power. Next, let's look at the bourgeois revolutionaries based on the middle and lower classes of the bourgeoisie and the peasant class, and actually headed by Sun Yat-sen. Their ideas are often summarized as "Three People's Principles", that is, the harmonious implementation of bourgeois democracy, the development and control of private capital, and equal land rights. It can be seen that this model is most suitable for China's national conditions, but there are still many insurmountable defects and unrealistic fantasy factors (such as "increasing the price to the public" and "buying at a price" when the land ownership is equal, using "developed country capital" when controlling capital, and borrowing foreign capital without losing national sovereignty), which is unrealistic for China at that time, at least lacking maneuverability. 19 14? 19 18 was a time when China people were eager to learn from the west in an all-round way shortly after the victory of the Revolution of 1911. However, the outbreak of World War I exposed the internal contradictions in the capitalist world in the most acute form, resulting in insufficient productivity and embarrassing people's livelihood. The nearly perfect capitalist system in the eyes of Chinese people suddenly lost its original dazzling brilliance, and advanced intellectuals began to question the necessity of taking the capitalist road. However, the seemingly more scientific political theory that "the October Revolution brought socialism with one shot" has become a living reality and shows great vitality. Those who are hesitating and exploring in China certainly have reason to experiment with Marxism. In the process of thinking, I noticed two influential schools in recent years: "new enlightenment" and "new Confucianism", in which "new Confucianism" tries to analyze the development of modern history through the essential differences between Chinese and western social cultures. This research project is still very enlightening to me, so I also try to discuss the compatibility between Marxism and China from the cultural level. I have always thought that the statement that revolutionaries are "open to the revolution before the wisdom of the people is opened" is quite debatable, and they obviously believe too much in the role of the revolution. Revolution is indeed imminent, but as a psychological inheritance, ideas have been cultivated for decades and passed down from generation to generation. It is unrealistic to hope that it will be turned upside down overnight. We just need to be as close to the tradition as possible, and then slowly transform it, especially the Chinese civilization that has been around for thousands of years. Western countries emphasize individual standard and free will, which obviously conflicts with traditional culture, while Marxism has natural consistency with China traditional culture. Similar moral value orientation, positive spirit, philosophical foundation and social ideal make it most easily recognized and accepted by the people and social development in China: First, collectivism advocates social standard, "the old are provided for, and the young are young"; Second, similar social ideals have certain convergence to future goals. The world harmony and capitalism are not only similar in form, but also similar in spirit. Distribution according to needs and elimination of exploitation are similar to the slogan of "grading, making the army rich and poor" put forward during the peasant uprising. It can be said that the appeal of Marxism in rural areas of China is unmatched by other theories, because the peasant class has never been really valued and mobilized-it is unimaginable that this phenomenon should happen in a country with an overwhelming rural population. Of course, in addition to cultural integration, Marxism also shows great pertinence to specific national conditions in reality. The biggest difference of Marxism is that its spirit of "smashing the old world" always runs through three theoretical components. Feudal oppression, foreign powers invasion, in the face of dying China, any seemingly stable prescription can not be brought back to life. Only by taking the medicine of the tiger and the wolf can you survive. Do not hesitate to uproot the forces of feudalism and imperialism. This kind of courage and strength to overthrow everything is not available in other class concepts. Secondly, any class needs theory to serve this class. Marxism is the long-awaited spokesman of the growing and mature proletariat. The working class, which is suffering from the double oppression of feudalism and imperialism, has a strong sense of resistance, and its proletarian characteristics make them the most revolutionary. I can't help mentioning the May 4th Movement here. It was this vigorous patriotic movement that swept across the country that made the people of the whole country see the power of the people, and the proletariat and Marxism really began to enter the political arena. Postscript: This article was written for several weeks, during which it was full of pain. The more you think deeply about various problems in modern history, the more you will fall into the situation of self-doubt. Sometimes you will have a new idea like discovering a new continent, but it will soon be overthrown by yourself, and it is always difficult to justify yourself. I often feel that my thinking has preconceived ideas from the beginning, and all subsequent discussions have been based on this. This idea often scares me until the end of the article, and the question still hovers in my mind. It never occurred to me that this is not necessarily right. I feel that my point of view has not jumped out of the previous mode of thinking, and I have my own understanding of the nuances, but the big ones are not fresh and one-sided. In addition, the discussion about the Reform and Reform, the Three People's Principles and the proletariat is very superficial because of the lack of knowledge reserves.