Consistency of Basic Goals between Constitutionalists and Revolutionaries
All kinds of political factions represent the interests of a certain class or stratum and reflect the interests of this class in various political programs and activities. Therefore, to correctly understand the relationship between constitutionalists and revolutionaries, we must first understand their class attributes. China's national bourgeoisie came into being in the 1970s. At the beginning of the 20th century, revolutionaries, constitutionalists and the Qing government became the three major political forces. The revolutionaries were at odds with the Qing government, and the constitutionalists were in between, and they were related to both, but they were not trusted. Although the Zhong Xing Society headed by Sun Yat-sen held the Guangzhou Uprising and Huizhou Uprising successively, it still kept in touch with the leaders and backbones of the reformists (later constitutionalists) and held meetings to unite. This shows that the two sides have a common language in patriotism. From the early years of the 20th century to the eve of the Revolution of 1911, the relationship between bourgeois revolutionaries and reformists gradually broke down, and then the two factions sharply opposed each other and had a large-scale debate on a series of major issues. However, this kind of opposition and struggle is not the contradiction between two hostile classes on the basis of fundamental interest conflict, but the contradiction between different political factions of the same class.
One faction is a bourgeois revolutionary faction represented by Sun Yat-sen, which mainly represents the interests of the middle and lower bourgeoisie in China. The other school is a constitutional school represented by Liang abroad and Tang Hualong, Tang Shouqian and Tan at home. Constitutionalists are mostly composed of big capitalists and bourgeois intellectuals transformed from bureaucrats, landlords and businessmen, who represent the upper class of the national bourgeoisie. Constitutionalists mainly exploit factories, enterprises, banks and other forms. This economic relationship is obviously capitalist. At the same time, because the Constitutionalists are mostly composed of big capitalists who own many enterprises, this economic status determines that they belong to the upper class of the national bourgeoisie. Constitutionalists and revolutionaries belong to the national bourgeoisie.
As two factions of the same class, it is impossible for them not to have the same sex in their fundamental interests. The struggle between the two factions against feudal autocratic rule during the Revolution of 1911 was a concrete manifestation of this same sex. Both of them advocate the establishment of a political system suitable for the development of capitalism, changing the decadent society and saving the nation from peril.
The reasons for the cooperation between constitutionalists and revolutionaries
The main reason lies in the perversion of the Qing court, which is the motive force for the cooperation between constitutionalists and revolutionaries. Zhang Pengyuan believes that the Constitutionalists are a group of people who firmly believe in the theory of constitutional salvation. Most of them are gentlemen with traditional education and authentic Confucianism. However, some of them have studied in Japan or entered new schools, and they have more or less some knowledge and concepts of the times. Most of them are well-off and are the backbone of society. Their average age is about forty, so it's time to do something. They think that constitutional monarchy is the way to save the country at present, and they think that constitutional government can be implemented. They called for an early convening of the National Assembly to realize the ideal of * * * rule by the people. Influenced by traditional Confucian concepts and new western knowledge, such as the concept of loyalty to the monarch, the constitutionalists demanded that the gentry support the court. The new knowledge makes them see the shortcomings of the tradition and must be changed, which is incompatible. Constitutionalists inadvertently promoted the development of the revolutionary cause.
From 1909 to 19 10 to 10, three parliamentary petitions were held in succession. These petitions are loud, involving a large number of people and a wide province. Not only did the Constitutionalists participate, but they also got the support of some local governors, which put more pressure on the Qing court. However, after all, the Qing court had no intention of delegating power to the bourgeoisie, and the implementation period of constitutionalism was far from hopeful. Three petitions to Congress were suppressed, and the royal cabinet was exposed to the world, which made the constitutionalists lose heart and despair. When the Revolution of 1911 broke out, most of the bourgeois constitutionalists followed the revolution and embarked on the road of overthrowing the Qing Dynasty.
The combination of constitutionalism and revolutionism
The consistency of understanding of feudal autocracy led to the joint struggle between constitutionalists and revolutionaries during the Revolution of 1911. In the anti-Qing revolutionary struggle, the Constitutionalists led the movement to reclaim rights, which played a positive role in promoting the rapid development of the revolutionary situation. Especially under the leadership of the Sichuan Road Protection Movement, the "Sichuan Road Protection Comrades' Association" with Pu Dianjun and Luo Lun as sponsors and vice presidents exposed the traitorous behavior of the Qing government and triggered the climax of the mass road struggle movement. Zhao Erfeng, the governor of Sichuan, arrested Paul and others and found the book "Sichuan People Protect themselves", which turned the struggle for peace into a bloody struggle, and the revolutionaries and the constitutionalists actually United. For example, Long Mingjian, a member of the League, and others participated in the Sichuan Road Protection Movement in the form of "being an expert in revolutionary affairs in the name of a gay society abroad".
After the Wuchang Uprising, the situation of the joint struggle between the two factions became clearer. In the battle of the revolutionaries to seize Shanghai, the president of the Shanghai General Chamber of Commerce and constitutional figures supported the revolution, which enabled the revolutionary Chen to seize Shanghai with the help of the Shanghai Commercial Group. In the process of declaring independence from the Qing Dynasty, Zhejiang Tang Shouqian declared independence and became the viceroy with the support of revolutionaries. Tan, the leader of Hunan Constitutionalism School, settled down after becoming the governor of Hunan, actively assisted the Hubei Revolutionary Army, and was a strong supporter of Wuchang Uprising. The independence of Guangxi is the great achievement of the cooperation between revolutionaries and constitutionalists. The two factions persuaded Governor Shen Bingkun and Wang Zhixiang, the battalion commander of the patrol camp, to declare independence. Jiangsu and Zhejiang Constitutionalists were the leading force of the constitutional movement in the late Qing Dynasty, representing the political trend of most Constitutionalists. Therefore, after Wuchang Uprising, its relationship with revolutionaries deserves more attention. After Wuchang Uprising, Zhang Jian still had a brief fantasy about the Qing court. However, with the rapid development of the revolutionary situation and the independence of various provinces and regions, he took a series of actions and moved towards "revolutionary harmony." 105, under the impetus of Zhang Jian and others, Jiangsu Governor Cheng Dequan declared independence in Suzhou.
Differences between constitutionalists and revolutionaries
Constitutionalists and revolutionaries advocate constitutional monarchy and revolutionary democracy. Because of their different interests from the Qing court, they chose different ways of political activities: the constitutionalists recognized the legitimacy of imperial power and demanded that the regime be open to themselves, hoping to get a wide range of opportunities to participate in politics. They tried to urge the Qing court to realize the British constitutional monarchy by peaceful petition, and their constitutional monarchy plan was intended to expand the rights of the gentry. The revolutionaries advocated the American-French democratic revolution and the violent revolution to overthrow the Qing court and realize democracy and harmony. Their plan of democracy and harmony aims at safeguarding civil rights. Constitutionalists and revolutionaries have different political ideals, the gap between them is difficult to fill, the division between the two factions is inevitable, and the cooperation between the two factions can only be a flash in the pan. The hope of political reform in the late Qing Dynasty was dashed, and the constitutionalists had to join the revolutionary trend and finally accepted the model of * * * and the state. However, due to China's social reality, they showed indifference and doubt about the revolutionaries' political ideals.
The constitutionalists turned to Yuan Shikai and deviated from the revolution, not only because Yuan Shikai was a powerful faction, but also because the revolutionaries rejected the constitutionalists. The revolutionaries instinctively rejected the Constitutionalists, because the Constitutionalists appeared in a moderate and improved attitude from the beginning, and still had many dependent relationships with the reactionary camp. However, in order to stabilize the situation and resist the attack of Beiyang Army, after seizing power, they had to cooperate with the Constitutionalists and make use of their administrative experience and some professional qualities. After the general trend is slightly stabilized, the revolutionaries do not want the constitutionalists to occupy a high position.
Constitutionalists demand constitutionalism, which is a kind of change and an enterprising idea, but they are unwilling to make big changes and completely abolish the old system and society, which is conservative; The revolution happened, the times have changed, and the times have also changed. This is the enterprising side. They want to find a decent end for the old regime. They want to find an heir in the tradition, instead of observing and appreciating the revolutionaries who are close at hand. This is the other side of conservatism. Revolutionaries want to cooperate with them, they acquiesce and even actively make suggestions, and get the support of enterprises. But instead of cooperating with the revolutionaries with one heart and one mind, this is the conservative psychology at work again. They absorb new knowledge and promote new construction, but they are afraid that the great ship of the times will turn too fast and shrink back. The more conservative the constitutionalists are, the more they compromise. They compromised with radicals and conservatives. They wholeheartedly supported Yuan Shikai and had to accommodate Yuan in many ways, so the revolution had to give up halfway. In the end, their conservatism became the main obstacle to the revolution.
idea
Joseph W. Esherick, an American scholar, wrote The Revolution of 1911 in the Two Lakes (Chinese translation by Zhonghua Book Company 1982), taking the two lakes as a case, analyzing the improvement of gentlemen's status in constitutional reform, analyzing the reasons for the failure of reform from the economic and cultural aspects, and revealing the internal relationship between reform and revolution.
China in the Revolution: The First Stage1900 ——1913 was edited by Wary Glabough Wright, and collected some papers on constitutional reform, the theme of which focused on the relationship between constitutional reform and nationalism, reform and revolution. By analyzing the similarities and differences between reform and revolution, it is considered that both of them have contributed to modernization.
Hou: The Wave of China's Political Reform in the Early 20th Century-A History of the Constitutional Movement in the Late Qing Dynasty (People's Publishing House, 1993 Edition). This book mainly describes the whole process of constitutional movement from the perspective of social forces, and briefly analyzes the reasons for the failure of constitutional reform and its progressive role.
Shen Weibin believes that, as far as the fundamental purpose of China is concerned, they are consistent with the general goal of the bourgeois revolutionaries, but only in different ways. It is believed that the constitutionalists used the top-down way to force the Qing government to open its power to the bourgeoisie through petitions, parliamentary struggles and other legal means. The revolutionaries took a bottom-up approach and overthrew the rule of the Qing Dynasty by revolutionary means of violent struggle. In contrast, the former is mild and the latter is fierce; The former preserves more feudalism, while the latter preserves less feudalism; The former has serious illusions about the Qing emperor, while the latter is unwilling to keep the imperial system. There is a difference between the two, and there are advantages and disadvantages. However, the dispute over means and methods should not be exaggerated to the point where the basic interests of the two factions are consistent, and the constitutionalists who maintained the rule of the Qing Dynasty should be called reactionaries.
Constitutionalists and revolutionaries have different understandings of China's development goals. One advocated constitutionalism and gradually embarked on the road of overthrowing the Qing Dynasty with revolutionaries. The other advocates revolution, but it is in trouble because of its own congenital deficiency and acquired imbalance. In the process of revolution, the revolutionaries did play a leading role and effectively promoted the development of the situation in the direction of overthrowing the Qing government; Constitutionalists followed the historical trend and used their own economic strength and political influence to turn passivity into initiative, which led to the collapse of the Qing government. Zhang Pengyuan believed that the international environment in which China lived during the Revolution of 1911 was sinister, and imperialism attempted to carve up China. Constitutionalists have pointed out that turmoil will give people a chance. When the revolution happened, they couldn't stop it. They hope that the unrest will not spread. They tried to control the independence of the provinces. Although it was a power struggle, they were also out of the heart of saving the country. The revolution did not turn into chaos, and the constitutionalists did not join the opposition of the revolutionaries, thus avoiding unnecessary bloodshed. Instead of defending the Qing government to the death, they added fuel to the flames, thus accelerating the upsurge of revolutionary forms. Undeniably, they have the power to turn the tide and cannot be described as speculative revolution. However, China has not carried out a thorough reform, and they must bear certain responsibilities.