One hundred years have just passed since the Revolution of 1911, and its historical significance is not easy for us to see clearly. Especially today, when the direct consequences of this revolution continue to ferment, the themes we can sum up seem to be revolution, * * * and harmony. What we can say is the end of the Qing Dynasty, the end of the imperial system, and various forces know how to advance and retreat, compromise, persist, and make concessions to avoid massive bloodshed and continuous turmoil. These are undoubtedly correct and worthy of publicity and affirmation.
The Revolution of 1911 made the Qing Dynasty history.
Like most cases in the last years of the China Dynasty, the occurrence of the Revolution of 1911 did not mean that the last years of the Qing Dynasty were so miserable. It is really political corruption and economic crisis that make the rulers unable to rule as usual. In fact, the real situation may be just the opposite. The reason why the Revolution of 1911 took place and why the Revolution of 1911 came to that stage is not only based on a series of unexpected events, but also has its inevitable historical connection, which is not only the fate of the Qing court, but also the historical necessity.
In fact, judging from the historical process, the Revolution of 1911 mainly originated from two things, one was that the Qing court changed the responsible cabinet into a royal cabinet, and the other was that the railway nationalization policy led to national riots. Faced with these two things, the Qing court did not know how to make concessions or compromises, or it was too late to make concessions and compromises, and the effect was gone.
According to 1908, the Outline of the King James Constitution promulgated by the Qing court, the first step towards a constitutional state is to have a government with limited responsibilities. Only when this responsible government is announced and power is shared from the emperor can constitutional monarchy be considered as the first step. The Qing court did do this later, but it misunderstood the spirit of the constitutional outline and screwed up. In the list of 13 cabinet members published by the Qing court, the royal family and members of the royal family actually accounted for 9, which of course caused dissatisfaction among the constitutionalists. The political pursuit of the Constitutionalists for many years is to share power through political reform. Now the Qing court openly blocks this road. How can these reformers not be completely disappointed and angry?
The anger of the constitutionalists did not attract enough attention from the Qing court. The Qing court quoted the outline of the Constitution and emphasized that the appointment of officials was the exclusive right of the emperor. Now the monarchy is constitutional and Manchu and Han are equal. Why must we deliberately emphasize that Manchu and Han people are from different backgrounds? Of course, the Qing court's explanation has a legal basis, but it is difficult to convince the constitutionalists. First, the constitutional outline stipulates that the supremacy of imperial power has a specific background, because the emperor at that time was a wise monarch in his prime. How can the little emperor now compare with the emperor Guangxu? Second, before the announcement of the responsible cabinet, the dual-track system of Manchu-Han leaders was implemented by the Central Ministry. Although the number of Han ministers is slightly less than that of Manchu ministers, it is not as small as it is now. Since Manchu and Han are equal, regardless of race and descent, why can't the proportion of Manchu and Han be reversed with the proportion of population?
If the responsible cabinet has become a royal cabinet, blocking the political road of the constitutionalists, then the state-owned policy of the railway trunk line associated with it deprives the constitutionalists and those national capitalists of economic opportunities, which is slightly "the country advances and the people retreats." Of course, Sheng Xuanhuai's railway nationalization policy makes sense only from the perspective of railway construction itself, because the technology and quality of the railways that were beaten by state capital a few years ago are not up to standard, or because the funds are misappropriated and occupied, there are huge financial risks. It is undoubtedly correct in theory that the imperial court used economic means to solve economic problems at the right time and exchanged loans from the Shikoku Bank Group for road rights built by the provinces themselves. It's just that the shrewd Sheng Xuanhuai didn't expect that the provincial railway companies with constitutionalists as the main body, especially the top management of Chuanhan Railway Company, whose funds were seriously misappropriated and suffered serious losses, would use populism to deal with him.
The practice of Chuanhan Railway Company is problematic today, but when people who didn't know the truth were mobilized at that time, and even political organizations such as railway guards were established, the political choice of the court was obviously more worthy of review. The Qing court did not make a public statement, did not make moderate concessions, and did not distinguish the people who were really hurt economically from the top management of the railway company. Instead, it adopted the ostrich policy, which lasted for 4 months from May to September, and even let itself go, unable to stop loss decisively.
Long-term stalemate is always not the way, and the deadlock must be broken. Especially when the Sichuan Railway Protection Army has penetrated into the elderly society and even many members of the revolutionary party, the nature of the railway protection movement is also changing, and the revolutionary meaning is getting stronger and stronger. On September 7, a bloody tragedy occurred in front of the Sichuan Governor's Office, and more than 30 lives finally broke the deadlock, and a reform movement finally quickly evolved into a revolution.
It was definitely not the imperial court that expected bloodshed, but since it happened, the imperial court became morally low. At this time, if the court apologizes for the aftermath and handles it properly, there may be a gentle opportunity. However, the Qing court did not choose a flexible direction, but chose a strong repression. Hubei new army transferred to Sichuan, Wuchang defensive emptiness. More importantly, the chaos that lasted for nearly half a year in the whole country made the generals and soldiers of the new army unable to sit still. They feel that they are responsible to the state and the court and should stand up and speak. So there was the Wuchang Uprising of191/kloc-0+00+10. The Hubei New Army showed its attitude in the form of mutiny and put pressure on the court. An accidental event finally overthrew a dynasty of more than 200 years.
19 1 1 The revolution of ended the monarchy for two thousand years.
The new army is the pillar of the Qing dynasty and a new type of army invested by the Qing court in recent ten years. However, due to special historical conditions, this army has never completed the professional transformation and has always had a strong complex for domestic politics. But realistically speaking, although the establishment of the Hubei New Army and the Hubei Military Government exerted pressure on the imperial court, it did not necessarily require revolution, nor did it necessarily insist on overthrowing the imperial court. If the Qing court gives a positive response to the political demands of the Hubei New Army, it is not impossible to defeat the enemy without fighting. Perhaps the Qing court should easily persuade those officers and men to return to the barracks. Helpless, the Qing court still didn't recognize its own situation, was still confused by its own strength, and still believed in force and repression. However, the new armies in the provinces did not agree with the confidence of the Qing court. They did not respond to the call of the Qing court cooperation, but responded to the call of the Hubei military government, and successively announced the recovery, independence and separation from the Qing court. What is even more frightening is that the twenty towns of the new army guarding the capital, led by Wu Luzhen, Zhang Shaoceng, Lantianwei and others, launched a remonstrance in Luanzhou, demanding that the Qing court immediately condemn itself, return to the correct track of constitutional monarchy, convene a formal parliament as soon as possible, amend the constitution, and organize the responsible cabinet. The royal family may not interfere in government affairs, and the royal family may not serve as the Prime Minister and Minister of State.
The remonstrance of Luanzhou soldiers pointed out a correct direction for the Qing court, and the Qing court did follow this direction for a long time. The Regent took responsibility and wrote himself a letter. The Qing court promulgated Article 19 of the Constitution and abolished the Royal Cabinet. Yuan Shikai was elected as the Prime Minister of the Cabinet by the Senior Advisory Committee and was fully responsible for the formation of the new Cabinet. In all fairness, these concessions and the New Deal of the Qing court were correct. Although it was a little late, it was really implemented and cashed. Although revolutions have taken place in some areas, there are still opportunities to rebuild peace, restore order and return to the track of constitutional monarchy. The Qing dynasty should still have a chance to exist.
The reaction of the Qing court after the remonstration of Luanzhou soldiers was correct and timely, and Yuan Shikai's subsequent handling was also strong and resolute. While forcefully suppressing the Hubei New Army, we did not forget to be flexible and appeased, expecting to solve the political crisis through political negotiations. Under the pressure of Yuan Shikai's carrot and stick, the Hubei military government actually accepted Yuan Shikai's political arrangement of continuing constitutional monarchy to a great extent, and a political crisis sweeping across the country may soon be completely over. However, at this critical moment, the real resistance of constitutional monarchy political reform finally surfaced, and the vested interests of the Qing Dynasty, that is, the princes and ministers of the Manchu nobility, especially those with political responsibilities, were unwilling to accept such political arrangements and hand over the political rights they had seized. Peaceful reformist political changes have once again encountered great resistance. Without revolution, it is impossible to unbutton this button, and revolution has once again become a necessary means.
The Manchu aristocratic ruling group did not understand the current situation, refused to reform, refused to cede power, refused to share power, and finally angered the generals of the Beiyang New Army. The commander of the First Army of the New Army and Governor Duan of Huguang, who was sent to the front to suppress the Hubei New Army, sent someone to get in touch with Huang Xing, the leader of the revolutionary party. On February 20th, representatives of both sides reached an understanding1910:1. Determine the * * and regime; Second, give preferential treatment to the royal family; Third, the first person to overthrow the Qing government was the president; Fourth, the men and women of the Manchu and Han armies in the north and south each enjoy the preferential treatment they deserve, and they are not responsible for harming the enemy in wartime; Five, at the same time, organize a temporary parliament to restore order in various places. At this point, the decade-long pursuit of constitutional monarchy by a generation of China people has become history, and the decade-long pursuit of democracy and government by Sun Yat-sen and revolutionaries has become the only option for China's future. The conservative and enterprising Manchu aristocratic ruling group, however fierce, has actually become history and an outsider arranged by others, although it is still a stakeholder.
Duan and Huang Xing's political knowledge chose the right direction for China. Later, the Nanjing Provisional Government was established. Yuan Shikai and Sun Yat-sen of Nanjing Provisional Government were both political enemies and allies to persuade the Qing emperor. With their efforts, the North-South peace talks were finally reached, and the parties finally reached an agreement on the future of China and the future arrangements of the Qing royal family. The Qing emperor abdicated and gave preferential treatment to the royal family. The history of China has opened up a new era, and two thousand years of absolute monarchy has finally been sent into history. Since then, no matter what setbacks or difficulties the democracy and political system encountered, China people's democratic belief has never wavered, and any ideas and practices that tried to restore absolute monarchy have never been put into practice.
The Revolution of 1911 surpassed the French Revolution.
As far as Sun Yat-sen and revolutionaries are concerned, the goal of the Revolution of 1911 is undoubtedly to imitate the political structure of the United States of America and rebuild its political system. However, the political means of the Revolution of 1911, from the time when Sun Yat-sen started the revolution, imitated the French Revolution, that is, violently breaking an old world and establishing a new one. Therefore, Sun Yat-sen and the revolutionaries were not afraid of sacrifice, failed again and again, and continued again and again, creating a great impetus for the historical development of China with armed riots.
In other words, if we emphasize that the Qing court did have some political reforms and progress in the last decade, then the driving force for this improvement and progress is no longer the pressure from the great powers, but the pressure from within China society. This is the significance of the struggle and sacrifice of Sun Yat-sen and the revolutionaries for more than ten years.
The first half of the Revolution of 1911 really followed the script provided by Sun Yat-sen and the revolutionaries. However, after the outbreak of Wuchang Uprising, especially when the Qing court changed generals, Yuan Shikai, a senior official of the Han nationality who had been abandoned, replaced Yin Chang, an army minister from Manchuria, who was solely responsible for dealing with the aftermath of Wuchang Uprising. The confrontation between the north and the south quickly changed from the Manchu-Han conflict mentioned by Sun Yat-sen to the confrontation between Han people, and the national revolution advocated by Sun Yat-sen for more than ten years suddenly lost its legitimacy and legitimacy.
Stranger still, the confrontation between the North and the South has little to do with Sun Yat-sen and the revolutionaries. In fact, the main lineup of the North and the South is a new army cultivated by the Qing court in the last ten years. The main force in the south is Zhang Zhidong's Hubei New Army, and the main force in the north is Yuan Shikai's Beiyang New Army. Although they belong to two systems, after all, they are all Han Chinese, and they all accepted the influence of modern eastern and western thoughts, especially because the imperial court never thought about military neutrality at that time, but always encouraged the new army to care about politics, so these modern soldiers turned out to be the main force in controlling the overall situation at the critical moment.
The north and south have been deadlocked for two months, and the conditions in the south are very simple. First, the court is required to agree to the demands of the constitutionalists for many years as soon as possible, which is also an existing project in the court's constitutional planning: to formulate the constitution in advance and immediately convene a formal parliament. This requirement is only to advance the planned project. However, the court's hesitation about such a request made the whole country impatient. Fourteen provinces revolted one after another and declared independence, which is called recovery. Since then, the constitutional monarchy has become history. In this case, the southern revolutionaries raised the asking price one after another, demanding the court to recognize democracy and harmony, or resorting to force to prepare for the Northern Expedition and take Longting.
Of course, it is not that simple for revolutionaries to want the Northern Expedition. The problem is, if the Qing court has been deadlocked and refused to meet the demands of the South, then everything will happen, chaos, or the bloody massacre of political revenge that lasted for several years like the French Revolution may not happen, so the political wisdom of China people is facing an unprecedented test.
At this point, China is no longer a simple China of China people. After the Sino-Japanese War of 1894-1895, foreign capital continued to enter, which has occupied a considerable share in China's economic composition. Continued political turmoil not only does not meet the interests of the people of China, but also does not meet the requirements of foreign powers. Both at home and abroad hope that the people of North and South China can meet each other halfway, reach a compromise and rebuild order and peace. Therefore, after a long North-South peace talks, it should be said that both sides have made concessions. The Qing court sacrificed its own country and realized the "eternal relationship, eternal imperial power" that political leaders in the late Qing dynasty have been obsessed with in a way that no one thought of. If it hadn't been for the restoration of the empire, the small court of Manchu could still be called a loner in the Forbidden City, which is really unique.
Southern revolutionaries also made concessions and sacrifices. At the request of the generals of the new army, the Southern Revolutionary Party did not adhere to the political position of "expelling the Tatars" as mentioned in previous years, but respected the history of the Qing Dynasty and the sacrifices made by a dynasty for the future. When discussing the conditions and documents of the abdication of the Qing emperor, they tried their best to take care of the feelings and dignity of the Qing rulers. They didn't push their luck step by step, let alone carry out liquidation, but they still had to be brave enough to chase the poor bandits.
Modern politics is a process of compromise and negotiation. The greatest enlightenment that the Revolution of 1911 left to China was that China people used the oldest wisdom to "defeat the enemy without fighting". * * * both lost, and no one lost. These revelations were submerged and covered up in the past years when class struggle was the key link. Today, we solemnly commemorate the centenary of the Revolution of 1911. In fact, we should treat all participants in the Revolution of 1911 fairly with a warm and respectful attitude. They all made their own contributions to the peaceful settlement of this incident to a certain extent.