In the process of China's rise, it is inevitable to encounter two internal problems: the construction of national system and the redistribution of social wealth. First of all, the rise is a long-term and sustained high-speed development process, which will inevitably bring great pressure to the existing system. If the economic system reform in China in the past 20 years has provided space for the rapid expansion of China's economic aggregate, then the overall system construction in China in the next 20 years or so will comprehensively improve China's social and cultural quality and human quality; At the same time, the political system reform will provide an internal buffer mechanism and international space for the rise of China.
In the first decade of 2 1 century, China was near "the fastest and most unpredictable point of water flow". "When the reformed part and the unreformed part of China's economy are evenly matched, the danger is greatest". This problem comes from the long-standing legacy of China's reform, that is, "the system necessary for controlling and managing a modern society has not been established" (Jim Rover: The Rise of Asia). This is an institutional obstacle in the process of China's rise.
The matching of political system reform and economic system reform may be the core issue in the process of China's reform. Market economy, a society ruled by law and democratic politics are linked and indispensable. The incompleteness of the latter two makes the former unable to fully develop. A series of recent corruption cases have proved the seriousness of the combination or exchange of power and market resources.
The sharp increase in wealth is the inevitable result of the rise of China, and the gap between the rich and the poor has widened. The widening of the accumulated income gap is not necessarily related to the intensification of various contradictions. The large income gap in developed economies does not affect the flexibility and stability of their systems. Even though many developing economies have adopted policies to curb the polarization between the rich and the poor, they are still in social unrest. The positive correlation between a powerful country and the world's top 500 enterprises shows that without the concentration of wealth and capital (through market competition rather than the optimal combination of resources dominated by power), it is difficult for China to form real international competitiveness and enterprise competitiveness, and its rise as a powerful country will become empty talk.
So "equal wealth" is actually a theoretical proposition to slow down or hinder the rise of China. The key to the problem lies not in the balance of wealth, but in the way of wealth concentration and redistribution, in the protection of the basic rights of the lowest income class and the decline of the population proportion of this class.
In the process of system construction, we should fully absorb the lessons of the former Soviet Union and eastern European countries. At present, our research on the former Soviet Union and Eastern European countries should not stop at the general research on the causes of disintegration. We should attach great importance to the composition of Soviet interest groups before the disintegration of the Soviet Union, their role in the disintegration of the Soviet Union and the process of their transformation into Russian upstart groups after the disintegration of the Soviet Union. Analyzing the formation and development of this group is extremely important for us to understand the laws of the ruling party in socialist countries. The corruption we are facing at present is related to the formation and existence of interest groups. Eradicating the soil and foundation of this interest group is the core issue of the ruling party and the national system construction. Only by solving this problem can the rise of China become the confidence of the people of the whole country.
The rise of China needs the construction of soft power.
Soft power is an indispensable basic element as a big country and powerful country. According to joseph nye, who put forward the concept of "soft power", it is a kind of "ability to influence others' choices, such as attractive culture, ideology and system". Hard power and soft power influence and promote each other. The hard power part of China's rise has advanced earlier and faster than the soft power part, and it is easy to get attention from all sides. However, the lag of soft power may become an important neglected content in the process of China's rise. In soft power, institutional factors are more attractive than cultural factors. Therefore, in the grand strategy of China's rise, a general framework of balanced and coordinated development of hard power and soft power, institutional factors and cultural factors should be formed.
China culture should be an important part of China's rising soft power. The function of this soft power lies in its attraction, cohesion and sense of identity to all China people, including compatriots from Hong Kong, Macao and Taiwan. At the same time, its ability to absorb cultures from all over the world helps to improve and promote China's relations with other countries in the world. The excellent elements of China's Confucian culture can indeed play a role as a lubricant in international relations, such as the golden mean, the benevolent government and the kingly way. Taoist philosophy has a growing influence on western ideological circles. The natural worship of China culture in Asian countries is playing a profound role. The characteristics of China culture make the rise of China have some affinity.
Because the rise of China needs the continuous struggle of several generations, the values, outlook on life and world outlook of the younger generation in China are of special significance. Needless to say, the younger generation (especially the generation born after 1980s) does have some defects in the inheritance of traditional culture. This is not their fault, but the result of our improper publicity and education. The materialism and quick success tendency of the whole country, the popularization of mass media such as television and the decline of cadres' quality have a decisive influence on the cultural orientation of young people.
On the other hand, the openness and diversity of young people's thoughts also reflect the historical changes in China society. The values of the younger generation are more international, which is a positive factor for the rise of China. In the future development of China, it can reduce the friction between China and the outside world, and it will also become a force to promote internal changes in China. Therefore, the mental state changes of the younger generation should be regarded as an integral part of the overall social changes in China, and its mainstream is in line with the historical trend. The problem is that our decision-makers and the media themselves must attach great importance to the quality of spiritual products and the cultivation of cultural atmosphere, especially to the construction of soft power at the height of national strategy.
The rise of China needs strong spiritual support. Cultivating people's awareness of national interests, global awareness, participation awareness and responsibility awareness should be a bottom-up two-way combination process, especially on the social basis. At present, we should pay special attention to cultivating and shaping new national spirit and value system in network culture. The activity of network culture and the absence of mainstream culture in the network world have become a great contrast in our ideological field. In a sense, losing the online world means losing the future cultural influence, the younger generation and the international image of China. The simultaneous development of social and economic informatization in China and the rise of China is actually an excellent opportunity for us to reconstruct our ideology. The rise of China must include the development strategy of network culture.